Joshua Raftis Vol. 40 Associate Editor In January of this year, Juan Guaido, the President of Venezuela’s opposition-dominated National Assembly, unilaterally declared himself president of Venezuela in defiance of the sitting president, Nicolas Maduro.[1] Guaido based his claim to the presidency on Articles 233, 333, and 350 of the Venezuelan Constitution, which he interpreted to render the current presidency vacant and to vest the National Assembly with the power to appoint an interim president.[2] Since

Thomas Zahrt Vol. 40 Associate Editor Nearly two years ago, the United States withdrew from the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP).[1] As the prospective trade deal’s largest economy,[2] the departure of the United States led many to speculate that the deal would dissolve,[3] and in many respects it did. Gone is the massive arrangement comprising nearly $28 trillion in GDP—40% of the global total[4]—and gone are a number of key provisions championed by the United States.[5] However,

Eric Wendorf Vol. 40 Associate Editor Can public international law do a better job than private domestic law of adjudicating sovereign debt disputes? In Law Debenture PLC v. Ukraine, the English Court of Appeal determined that the English common law of duress could be applied to a bond contract between Ukraine’s government and Russia’s Ministry of Finance.[1] However, public international law offers another way of resolving this case: the doctrine of odious debts. Although sovereign

Matthew Thornburg Vol. 40 Associate Editor Notions of fairness and common benefit ring throughout the body of international law governing outer space. Indeed, the very preamble of the Outer Space Treaty (“OST”) declares that: [T]he exploration and use of outer space should be carried on for the benefit of all peoples irrespective of the degree of their economic or scientific development…”[1] However, such noble, egalitarian ideas for the future use of outer space may actually

Melissa Danzo Vol. 40 Associate Editor Since the Paris Climate Agreement was signed in 2015, power shifts among the most prominent state signatories have left spectators questioning the future of the Agreement.[1] In the midst of these political shake-ups, international attention has turned to non-state actors (NSAs)—a term used herein to mean individuals or groups “including civil society, the private sector, financial institutions, cities, and other subnational authorities, local communities and indigenous peoples”[2]—that have expressed

Pablo Garrido Estevez Vol. 40 Associate Editor In March, the Trump administration announced a 25% tariff on USD $50 billion worth of Chinese imports affecting more than 1,300 products.[1] The Beijing government responded by imposing its own tariffs and stated that it would resort to “measures of equal scale and strength.”[2] Both global superpowers have since then engaged in a tit-for-tat escalation of their trade war, with American tariffs now reaching USD $250 billion and

Connor Rubin Vol. 40 Associate Editor After the election of Carlos Menem as President of Argentina in 1989, the country began a period of rapid economic growth.” This can partially be credited to the government’s policies that increased foreign direct investment (FDI). These included signing Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs) with nations like the United States, and pegging the value of the Argentine Peso to the U.S. Dollar.[1] These policies lowered inflation and encouraged FDI across a

Alexia Jansen Vol. 40 Executive Editor The Norwegian Nobel Committee awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for 2018 to Nadia Murad and Dr. Denis Mukwege, “for their efforts to end the use of sexual violence as a weapon of war and armed conflict.”[1] These co-recipients have been recognized internationally for their work as witnesses and advocates of victims of sexual violence during armed conflicts. Their award can be seen as particularly apropos during the #MeToo movement,

Christa-Gaye L. Kerr Vol. 40 Associate Editor Every few years, the call for reparations for the Trans-Atlantic slave trade, colonialism, and post-colonialism enter global discourse. In 2001, leaders from around the world held the World Conference Against Racism (“WCAR”) in Durban, South Africa under authority of the United Nations General Assembly Resolution #52/111.[1] There were two noteworthy and seemingly disparate outcomes from this Conference. First, the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action (“DDPA”) acknowledged the

Shane Callaghan Vol. 40 Associate Editor Think only the richest people in the world can buy citizenship?  Think again.  For an investment of $100,000 plus various fees, you can become a citizen of the Caribbean country of Dominica in a matter of months.[1]  Although the practice of buying citizenship is largely confined to the rich, thousands of passports are bought and sold each year.  Hundreds of thousands of residence permits are also sold by countries